Appearance
🎉 your library🥳
"Arranged marriage is a type of marital union where the bride and groom are primarily selected by individuals other than the couple themselves, particularly by family members such as the parents. In some cultures a professional matchmaker may be used to find a spouse for a young person. Arranged marriages have historically been prominent in many cultures. The practice remains common in many regions, notably South Asia, though in many other parts of the world, the practice has declined substantially during the 19th and 20th centuries. Forced marriages, practised in some families, are condemned by the United Nations, and is not an arranged marriage. The specific sub-category of forced child marriage is especially condemned. In other cultures people mostly choose their own partner. History Arranged marriages were very common throughout the world until the 18th century.Jodi O'Brien (2008), Encyclopedia of Gender and Society, Volume 1, SAGE Publications, page 40-42, Typically, marriages were arranged by parents, grandparents or other relatives. Some historical exceptions are known, such as courtship and betrothal rituals during the Renaissance period of Italy and Gandharva Vivah in the Vedic period of India.The Illustrated Encyclopedia of Hinduism: A-M, James G. Lochtefeld (2001), , Page 427 In China, arranged marriages (baoban hunyin, 包办婚姻) – sometimes called blind marriages (manghun, 盲婚) – were the norm before the mid-20th century. A marriage was a negotiation and decision between parents and other older members of two families. The boy and girl were typically told to get married, without a right to demur, even if they had never met each other until the wedding day.Fricke, Chang, and Yang. (1994). Historical and Ethnographic Perspectives on the Chinese family. Social Change and the Family in Taiwan. Arland Thornton and Lin, Hui-Sheng. Chicago and London, The University of Chicago Press: 22–48Pan, Rong (2004), Why Being Single?, Lund University (Sweden), Centre for Asian studiesGender, Marriage and Migration – Mainland China and Taiwan Melody Chia-Wen Lu (2008), Leiden University Arranged marriages were the norm in Russia before the early 20th century, most of which were endogamous.Hutton, M. J. (2001). Russian and West European Women, 1860–1939: Dreams, Struggles, and Nightmares. because political reasons. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers; see Chapter 1 Until the first half of the 20th century, arranged marriages were common in migrant families in the United States. They were sometimes called "picture-bride marriages" among Japanese-American immigrants because the bride and groom knew each other only through the exchange of photographs before the day of their marriage. These marriages among immigrants were typically arranged by parents, or relatives from the country of their origin. As immigrants settled in and melded into a new culture, arranged marriages shifted first to quasi-arranged marriages where parents or friends made introductions and the couple met before the marriage; over time, the marriages among the descendants of these immigrants shifted to autonomous marriages driven by individual's choice, dating and courtship preferences, along with an increase in interracial marriages.Harry Reis and Susan Sprecher, Encyclopedia of Human Relationships, SAGE Publications, , pages 113–117Ghimire et al. (2006), Social change, premartial family experience and spouse choice in an arranged marriage society, American Journal of Sociology, 111, pages 1181–1218 Similar historical dynamics are claimed in other parts of the world.Xiaohe and Whyte (1990), Love matches and arranged marriages: A Chinese replication, Journal of Marriage and the Family, 52, pages 709–722Tekce (2004), Paths of marriage in Istanbul: arranging choices and choice in arrangements, Ethnography, 5, pages 173–201 Arranged marriages have declined in prosperous countries with social mobility and increasing individualism; nevertheless, arranged marriages are still seen in countries of Europe and North America, among royal families, aristocrats and minority religious groups such as in placement marriage among Fundamentalist Mormon groups of the United States. In most other parts of the world, arranged marriages continue to varying degrees and increasingly in quasi-arranged form, along with autonomous marriages. Enforcement A woman who refuses to go through with an arranged marriage, tries to leave an arranged marriage via divorce or is suspected of any kind of immoral behaviour, may be considered to have dishonored her entire family. This being the case, her male relatives may be ridiculed or harassed and any of her siblings may find it impossible to enter into a marriage. In these cases, killing the woman is a way for the family to enforce the institution of arranged marriages. Unlike cases of domestic violence, honor killings are often done publicly for all to see and there are frequently family members involved in the act. Comparison Marriages have been categorized into four groups in scholarly studies: * Forced Arranged Marriage: parents or guardians select, the individuals are neither consulted nor have any say before the marriage * Consensual Arranged Marriage: parents or guardians select, then the individuals are consulted, who consider and consent, and each individual has the power to refuse; sometimes, the individuals meet – in family setting or privately – before engagement and marriage as in shidduch custom among Orthodox Jews * Self-Selected Marriage: individuals select, then parents or guardians are consulted, who consider and consent, and where parents or guardians have the power of veto. * Autonomous Marriage: individuals select, the parents or guardians are neither consulted nor have any say before the marriage Gary Lee and Lorene Stone suggest that most adult marriages in recent modern history are somewhere on the scale between consensual arranged and autonomous marriage, in part because marriage is a social institution. Similarly, Broude and Greene, after studying 142 cultures worldwide, have reported that 130 cultures have elements of arranged marriage. Extreme examples of forced arranged marriage have been observed in some societies, particularly in child marriages of girls below age 12. Illustrations include vani which is currently seen in some tribal / rural parts of Pakistan, and Shim-pua marriage Taiwan before the 1970s (Tongyangxi in China). Types There are many kinds of arranged marriages, some of these are:Ghimire, D. J., Axinn, W. G., Yabiku, S. T., & Thornton, A. (2006). Social Change, Premarital Nonfamily Experience, and Spouse Choice in an Arranged Marriage Society1. American Journal of Sociology, 111(4), pages 1181–1218Jones, G. (2010). Changing marriage patterns in Asia, Asia Research Institute Working Paper No. 131Shaw, A. (2001). Kinship, cultural preference, and immigration: consanguineous marriage among British Pakistanis. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 7(2), pages 315–334Joseph, S. E. (2007). Kissing Cousins. Current Anthropology, 48(5), pages 756–764 *Arranged exogamous marriage: is one where a third party finds and selects the bride and groom irrespective of their social, economic and cultural group. *Arranged endogamous marriage: is one where a third party finds and selects the bride and groom from a particular social, economic and cultural group. *Consanguineous marriage: is a type of arranged endogamous marriage.Joseph, S. E. (2007). Kissing Cousins, Current Anthropology, 48(5), pages 756–764 It is one where the bride and groom share a grandparent or near ancestor. Examples of these include first cousin marriages, uncle-niece marriages, second cousin marriages, and so on. The most common consanguineous marriages are first cousin marriages, followed by second cousin and uncle-niece marriages. Between 25 and 40% of all marriages in parts of Saudi Arabia and Pakistan are first cousin marriages; while overall consanguineous arranged marriages exceed 65 to 80% in various regions of North Africa and Central Asia.R. Hussain (1999), Community perceptions of reasons for preference for consanguineous marriages in Pakistan, Journal of Biosocial Science, 31, pages 449–461Consanguineous marriages Brecia Young (2006) The bride and groom in all of the above types of arranged marriages, usually do have the right to consent; if the bride or the groom or both do not have a right to consent, it is called a forced marriage. Forced marriages are not the same as arranged marriages; these forced arrangements do not have the full and free consent of both parties, and no major world religion advocates for forced marriages. Arranged marriages are commonly associated with religion; a few religions that practice this form of marriage include Islam and Judaism. According to The Hindu Marriage Act, 1955 of India, non-consensual marriages and marriages where either the bridegroom is below the age of 21 years or the bride is below the age of 18 are prohibited for the Hindus, Buddhist, Sikhs and Jains. Non-consanguineous arranged marriage is one where the bride and groom do not share a grandparent or near ancestor. This type of arranged marriages is common in Hindu and Buddhist South Asia, Southeast Asia, East Asia and Christian Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa.Derek F. Roberts, N. Fujiki, K. Torizuka, Kanji Torizuka (Editors), see Imaizumi, Y. O. K. O. (1992). Factors influencing the frequency of consanguineous marriages in Japan (pages 29–40). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press; Consanguineous marriages are against the law in many parts of United States and Europe.Bittles, A. H. (2003). The bases of Western attitudes to consanguineous marriage. Developmental Medicine & Child Neurology, 45(2), pages 135–138 In the United Kingdom uncle-niece marriages are considered incestuous and are illegal, but cousin marriages are not forbidden, although there have been calls to ban first-cousin marriages due to health concerns. While consanguineous arranged marriages are common and culturally preferred in some Islamic countries and among migrants from Muslim countries to other parts of the world, they are culturally forbidden or considered undesirable in most Christian, Hindu and Buddhist societies.Alan Bittles, Consanguinity in Context (Cambridge Studies in Biological and Evolutionary Anthropology), Cambridge University Press, Consanguineous arranged marriages were common in Jewish communities before the 20th century, but have declined to less than 10% in modern times.Jewish Encyclopedia (1906), see the article on CONSANGUINITY AMONG JEWS; also see Jacobs, Studies in Jewish Statistics, pp. 1–9, London, 1891;Cohen et al., Consanguinity, intracommunity and intercommunity marriages in a population sample of Israeli Jews, Ann Hum Biol. 2004 Jan–Feb;31(1), pages 38–48 Causes and prevalence Over human history through modern times, the practice of arranged marriages has been encouraged by a combination of factors, such as the practice of child marriage,Child Marriages World Health Organization, United Nations (7 March 2013) late marriage, tradition,Afghanistan – The situation of women and girls UNHCR (2007), pages 45–46Early Marriage as a barrier to Girl's Education Jeannette Bayisenge, Rwanda (2008) culture, religion, poverty and limited choice, disabilities,Ghai, A. (2001). Marginalisation and disability: experiences from the Third World. Disability and the life course: Global perspectives, pages 26–37 wealth and inheritance issues, politics, social and ethnic conflicts.Amt, Emilie (1993), Women's Lives in Medieval Europe, New York, RoutledgeMáiréad Enright, Choice, Culture and the Politics of Belonging: The Emerging Law of Forced and Arranged Marriage, The Modern Law Review, Volume 72, Issue 3, pages 331–359, May 2009Carol Ember and Melvin Ember, Encyclopedia of Sex and Gender: Men and Women in the World's Cultures Topics and Cultures, Volume 2, , pages 71–77 Child marriage Marriage à-la-mode" by William Hogarth: a satire on arranged marriages and prediction of ensuing disaster Child marriage, particularly those below the age of 12, does not prepare or provide the individual much opportunity to make an informed, free choice about matrimony. These child marriages are implicitly arranged marriages.Gupta, G. R. (1976). Love, arranged marriage, and the Indian social structure. Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 7(1), pages 75–85 In rural areas of East Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa, South Asia and Latin America, poverty and lack of options, such as being able to attend school, leave little choice to children other than be in early arranged marriages. Child marriages are primarily seen in areas of poverty. Parents arrange child marriages to ensure their child's financial security and reinforce social ties. They believe it offers protection and reduces the daughter's economic burden on the family due to how costly it is to feed, clothe and (optionally) educate a girl. By marrying their daughter to a good family, the parents improve their social status by establishing a social bond between each other. According to Warner, in nations with the high rates of child marriages, the marriage of the girl is almost always arranged by her parents or guardians.Warner, Elizabeth (2004), Behind the wedding veil: Child marriage as a form of trafficking in girls. American U Journal Gender Soc. Policy & Law, 12, pages 233–270 The nations with the highest rates of arranged child marriages are: Niger, Chad, Mali, Bangladesh, Guinea, Central African Republic, Afghanistan, Yemen, India and Pakistan. Arranged child marriages are also observed in parts of the Americas.California dad accused of selling girl to teen for cash, beer – Houston Chronicle. Chron.com (2009-01-12). Retrieved on 2012-04-02. Poverty In impoverished communities, every adult mouth to feed becomes a continuing burden. In many of these cultures, women have difficulty finding gainful employment (or are simply prohibited from doing so), and their daughters become the greatest burden to the family. Some scholars argue that arranging a marriage of a daughter, becomes a necessary means to reduce this burden.Engel, J. W. (1984). Marriage in the People's Republic of China: Analysis of a new law. Journal of Marriage and the Family, pages 955–961 Poverty, thus, is a driver of arranged marriage. This theoryThe "Flight from Marriage" in South-East and East Asia Gavin Jones, Singapore (2011)Salaff, J. (1976) 'The status of unmarried Hong Kong women and the social factors contributing to their delayed marriage', Population Studies, 30(3), pages 391–412 is supported by the observed rapid drop in arranged marriages in fast growing economies of Asia. The financial benefit parents receive from their working single daughters has been citedJones (1997) 'The demise of universal marriage in East and South-East Asia', in G.W. Jones, R.M. Douglas, J.C. Caldwell and R. D'Souza (eds.), The Continuing Demographic Transition, Oxford Clarendon Press as a reason for their growing reluctance to see their daughters marry at too early an age. Late marriage Late marriage, particularly past the age of 30 years old, reduces the pool of available women for autonomous marriages. Introductions and arranged marriages become a productive option.Retherford, R. D., Ogawa, N., & Matsukura, R. (2001). Population and Development Review, 27(1), pages 65–102 For example, in part due to economic prosperity, about 40% of modern Japanese women reach the age of 29 and have never been married. To assist late marriages, the traditional custom of arranged marriages called miai-kekkon is re-emerging. It involves the prospective bride and groom, family, friends and a matchmaker (nakōdo, 仲人); the pair is selected by a process with the individuals and family involved (iegara, 家柄). Typically the couple meets three times, in public or private, before deciding if they want to get engaged.Applbaum, K.D. (1995) Marriage with the proper stranger – arranged marriage in metropolitan Japan, Ethnology, 34, 37–51Hendry, Joy (2010), Marriage in Changing Japan: Community & Society (Vol. 4), Taylor & Francis Limited choices Migrant minority ethnic populations have limited choice of partners, particularly when they are stereotyped, segregated or avoided by the majority population. This encourages homogamy and arranged marriages within the ethnic group. Examples of this dynamic include Sikh marriages between 1910 and 1980 in Canada,Kurian, G. (1991). South Asians in Canada. International Migration, 29(3), pages 421–433 arranged marriages among Hasidic Jews,Hasidism in America Public Broadcasting Service, United States (2002)Hasidism Louis Jacobs, The Yivo Encyclopedia of Jews in Eastern Europe (1998) and arranged marriages among Japanese American immigrants before the 1960s, who would travel back to Japan to marry the spouse arranged by the family, and then return married. In other cases, a girl from Japan would arrive in the United States as a picture bride, pre-arranged to marry the Japanese American man on arrival, whom she had never met.A History of Japanese Americans in California Archives of National Park Service, United States (2004) Custom The consequence of some customs is arranged marriage. For example, in rural and tribal parts of Pakistan and Afghanistan, disputes, unpaid debts in default and crimes such as murder are settled by a council of village elders, called jirga.Vani verdict The Tribune (IHT / New York Times Group), Pakistan (October 9, 2012) A typical punishment for a crime committed by males involves requiring the guilty family to marry their virgin girl between 5 and 12 year old to the other family. This custom requires no consent from the girl, or even her parents. Such arranged child marriages are called vani, swara and sak in different regional languages of Pakistan.Nasrullah, M., Muazzam, S., Bhutta, Z. A., & Raj, A. (2013). Girl Child Marriage and Its Effect on Fertility in Pakistan: Findings from Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey, 2006–2007. Maternal and child health journal, pp 1–10[ Vani a social evil] Anwar Hashmi and Rifat Koukab, The Fact (Pakistan), (July 2004)Ahsan, I. (2009). PANCHAYATS AND JIRGAS (LOK ADALATS): Alternative Dispute Resolution System in Pakistan. Strengthening Governance Through Access To Justice Another custom in certain Islamic nations,Latif, Z. (2010), The silencing of women from the Pakistani Muslim Mirpuri community in violent relationships. Honour, Violence, Women and Islam, 29Beswick, S. (2012). Brian J. Peterson. Islamization from Below: The Making of Muslim Communities in Rural French Sudan, 1880–1960. The American Historical Review, 117(4), Chapter 5, pp 1329–1360 such as Pakistan, is watta satta, where a brother-sister pair of one family are swapped as spouses for a brother-sister pair of another family. In other words, the wife is also the sister-in-law for the males in two families. This custom inherently leads to arranged form of marriage. About 30% of all marriages in western rural regions of Pakistan are by custom watta-satta marriages, and 75% of these Muslim marriages are between cousins and other blood relatives.Watta Satta: Bride Exchange and Women's Welfare in Rural Pakistan Hanan G. Jacoby and Ghazala Mansuri, World Bank Policy Research Working Paper 4126, February 2007 (Washington DC)PAKISTAN: Traditional marriages ignore HIV/AIDS threat IRIN, United Nations press service (6 December 2007)Charsley, K. (2007), Risk, trust, gender and transnational cousin marriage among British Pakistanis, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 30(6), pp 1117–1131 Some immigrant families prefer customary practice of arranged marriage.Arranged Marriage: Trapped Between Two Cultures. National Public Radio. Retrieved on 2012-04-02. 1770, Empress Maria Theresa sends 14-year-old Maria Antonia to France to marry Louis-Auguste Politics The arranged marriage in 1697, of Marie Adélaïde of Savoy, age 12 to Louis, Duke of Burgundy, heir apparent to the throne of France, as a result of the Treaty of Turin (1696). The marriage created an alliance between Louis XIV of France and the Duke of Savoy. Arranged marriages across feudal lords, city states and kingdoms, as a means of establishing political alliances, trade and peace were common in human history.Harris, B. J. (1989). Power, Profit, and Passion: Mary Tudor, Charles Brandon, and the Arranged Marriage in Early Tudor England. Feminist Studies, 15(1), pages 59–88Fossum, U. M. S., & Boyd, K. (2010). Arranged Marriage–A violation of human rights?. University of California, Berkeley When a king married his son to a neighboring state's daughter, it indicated an alliance among equals, and signaled the former's state superiority. For example, the fourth daughter of Maria Theresa, Queen of Austria and Hungary, Marie Antoinette, married the dauphin (crown prince) of France, who would become King Louis XVI. Wealth and inheritance issues Throughout most of human history, marriage has been a social institution that produced children and organized inheritance of property from one generation to next. Various cultures, particularly some wealthy royals and aristocratic families, arranged marriages in part to conserve or streamline the inheritance of their wealth.Coontz, S. (2006). Marriage, a history: How love conquered marriage. Penguin Tongyangxi, also known as Shim-pua marriage in Taiwanese – literally child or little daughter-in-law – was a tradition of arranged marriage, in which a poor family would arrange and marry a pre-adolescent daughter into a richer family as a servant.Judd, E. R. (1989). Niangjia: Chinese women and their natal families. Journal of Asian Studies, 48(3), pages 525–544 The little girl provided slave-like free labor, and also the daughter- in-law to the adoptive family's son. This sort of arranged marriage, in theory, enabled the girl to escape poverty and the wealthy family to get free labor and a daughter-in-law. Zhaozhui was a related custom by which a wealthy family that lacked an heir would arrange marriage of a boy child from another family. The boy would move in with the wealthy family, take on the surname of the new family, and marry the family's daughter. Such arranged marriages helped maintain inheritance bloodlines. Similar matrilocal arranged marriages to preserve wealth inheritance were common in Korea, Japan and other parts of the world.Martin, L. G. (1990). Changing intergenerational family relations in East Asia.The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, pages 102–114Haruko, W., & Gay, S. (1984). Marriage and property in premodern Japan from the perspective of women's history. Journal of Japanese Studies, 10(1), pages 73–99Kerbo, H. R., & MacKinstry, J. A. (1995). Who rules Japan?: the inner circles of economic and political power. Greenwood Publishing Group; see pages 30–31 Bride-wealth In many cultures, particularly in parts of Africa and the Middle East, daughters are valuable on the marriage market because the groom and his family must pay cash and property for the right to marry the daughter. This is termed as bride-wealth and locally by various names such as Lobola and Wine Carrying.Wining back our good luck: bridewealth in nowadays Maputo Paulo Granjo (2004)Bride price: an insult to women, a burden to men?, BBC News (August 30, 2004) The bride-wealth is typically kept by the bride's family, after the marriage, and is a source of income to poor families. The brothers, father, and male relatives of the bride typically take keen interest in arranging her marriage to a man who is willing to pay the most wealth in exchange for the right to marry her.Margrethe Silberschmidt (1999), Women Forget that Men are the Masters, Nordic Africa Institute, , pp 87Stephanie Beswick (2001), " We Are Bought Like Clothes": The War Over Polygyny and Levirate Marriage in South Sudan, Northeast African Studies, 8(2), pp 35–61, Quote – "The highest bidder usually acquires the woman, and the bridewealth is made in a series of payments." Religion Some religious denominations recognize marriages only within the faith. Of the major religions of the world, Islam forbids marriage of girls of a devout parent to a man who does not belong to that religion. In other words, Islam forbids marriage of Muslim girls to non-Muslim men,See: *Saad Ibrahim, Minority Rights Group International, The Copts of Egypt, January 1996; pages 24–25; *Philippe Fargues (1998), in Andrea Pacini (Editor), Christian Communities in the Arab Middle East, Oxford University Press, , page 51; *Heiner Bielefeldt, Human Rights Quarterly, Volume 17, Number 4, November 1995, pages 587–617 and the religious punishment for those who marry outside might be severe.See: *Saeed, Hassan (2004): Freedom of Religion, Apostasy and Islam. Ashgate Publishing. ; *Altstein, Howard; Simon, Rita James (2003): Global perspectives on social issues: marriage and divorce. Lexington, Mass: LexingtonBooks. ; * This is one of the motivations of arranged marriages in Islamic minority populations in Europe.Coleman, D. A. (2004), Partner choice and the growth of ethnic minority populations , Bevolking en Gezin, 33(2), 7–34. Controversy Arranged marriages are actively debated between scholars. The questions debated include whether arranged marriages are being used to abuse international immigration system, to inherently violate human rights, particularly women's rights,Bunch, Charlotte (1995). Transforming human rights from a feminist perspective, Women's Rights, Human Rights: International Feminist Perspectives (Julie Peters and Andrea Wolper Editors), pages 15–16; also see pages 157–160 if they yield more stable marriages for raising children, the next generation,Amato, Paul R. (2012). Institutional, Companionate, and Individualistic Marriages, Marriage at the Crossroads: Law, Policy, and the Brave New World of Twenty-First-Century Families, pages 107–124 and whether there is more or less loving, respectful relationship for the married couple.Modern Lessons from Arranged Marriages Ji Hyun Lee, New York Times (January 18, 2013) Sham marriages In the United Kingdom, public discussionRalph Grillo, Marriages, arranged and forced: the UK debate; in Gender, Generations and the Family in International Migration, (Editors: Albert Kraler, Eleonore Kofman, Martin Kohli, Camille Schmoll), ; see Chapter 3 has questioned whether international arranged marriages are a sham without the intention that the spouses will live as a couple, a convenient means to get residency and European citizenship to some male or female immigrants, who would otherwise be denied a visa to enter the country. These fears have been stoked by observed divorces once the minimum married residence period requirement is met. MP Ann Cryer has alleged examples of such abuse by West Asian Muslim families in her motion to the UK's House of Commons.Multi- cultural sensitivity is not an excuse for moral blindness, Hansard, 10 February 1999; column 256–280 The United States has seen a similar controversy with sham arranged marriages.David Seminara (2008) Hello, I Love You, Won't You Tell Me Your Name: Inside the Green Card Marriage Phenomenon Center for Immigration StudiesMORE WEDDING RING BUSTS Green-card scam probe widens Brian Harmon, New York Daily News (August 16, 2002) Human rights Various international organizations, including UNICEF, have campaigned for laws to ban arranged marriages of children, as well as forced marriages.Child Marriages UNICEF Article 15 and 16 of The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) specifically cover marriage and family law, which support such as ban.Freeman, Marsha (1995). Transforming human rights from a feminist perspective, Women's Rights, Human Rights: International Feminist Perspectives (Julie Peters and Andrea Wolper Editors), pages 149–176CEDAW – Full Text of Convention United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women (2009) Arranged marriages are a matter of debate and disagreements. Activists, such as Charlotte Bunch, suggest that marriages arranged by parents and other family members typically assume heterosexual preference and involve emotional pressure; this drives some individuals into marriages that they consent under duress. Bunch suggests that all marriages should be autonomous. In contrast, preventing arranged marriages may harm many individuals who want to get married and can benefit from parental participation in finding and selecting a mate. For example, Willoughby suggests that arranged marriages work because they remove anxiety in process of finding the spouses. Parents, families and friends provide an independent perspective when they participate in learning and evaluating the other person, past history, behavior, as well as the couple's mutual compatibility. Willoughby further suggests that parents and family provide more than input in the screening and selection process; often, they provide financial support for the wedding, housing, emotional support and other valuable resources for the couple as they navigate past the wedding into married life, and help raise their children. Michael Rosenfeld says that the differences between autonomous marriages and arranged marriages are empirically small; many people meet, date and choose to marry or cohabit with those who are similar in background, age, interests and social class they feel most similar to, screening factors most parents would have used for them anyway. Assuming the pool from which mates are screened and selected is large, Rosenfeld suggests that the differences between the two approaches to marriages are not as great as some imagine them to be. Others have expressed sentiments similar to Rosenfeld.Is arranged marriage really any worse than craigslist? Anita Jain, New York Magazine (2013) Stability Divorce rates have climbed in the European Union and the United States with increase in autonomous marriage rates. The lowest divorce rates in the world are in cultures with high rates of arranged marriages such as Amish culture of United States (1%),Trip back in time: the Amish in Ohio St Louis Post-Dispatch (September 10, 2010) Hindus of India (3%), and Ultra-Orthodox Jews of Israel (7%). According to a 2012 study by Statistic Brain, 53.25 percent of marriages are arranged worldwide. The global divorce rate for arranged marriages was 6.3 percent, which could be an indicator for the success rate of arranged marriages. This has led scholars to ask if arranged marriages are more stable than autonomous marriages, and whether this stability matters. Others suggest that the low divorce rate may not reflect stability, rather it may reflect the difficulty in the divorce process and social ostracism to the individuals, who choose to live in a dysfunctional marriage rather than face the consequences of a divorce. Also, the perception of high divorce rates attributed to self- arranged marriages in the United States is being called into question while the Hindus in India continue to enjoy low divorce rates. Love and respect in arranged versus autonomous marital life Various small sample surveys have been done to ascertain if arranged marriages or autonomous marriages have a more satisfying married life. The results are mixed – some state marriage satisfaction is higher in autonomous marriages, others find no significant differences.See: * Johnson and Bachan have questioned the small sample size and conclusions derived from them. ScholarsPaul Amato (2012), in Marriage at the Crossroads: Law, Policy, and the Brave New World;Editors: Marsha Garrison, Elizabeth S. Scott; ; see Chapter 6 ask whether love and respect in marital life is greater in arranged marriages than autonomous marriages. Epstein suggests that in many arranged marriages, love emerges over time. Neither autonomous nor arranged marriages offer any guarantees. Many arranged marriages also end up being cold and dysfunctional as well, with reports of abuse.Indian woman says arranged marriage was full of abuse John Tuohy and Bill McCleery, USA Today (August 12, 2013)Fighting arranged marriage abuse Sue Lloyd-Roberts, BBC News (July 12, 1999) See also * Arranged marriage in the Indian subcontinent * Arranged marriages in Japan * Bride price * Bride kidnapping * Child marriage * Dowry * Lavender marriage * Mail-order bride * Marriage * Marriage of convenience * Marriage of state * Marriage in Pakistan * Marriage in South Korea * Marriage market * Marriageable age * Married at First Sight * Matrimonial websites * Picture Bride (film) * Redorer son blason * Royal intermarriage * Shidduch * Shim-pua marriage * Shotgun wedding * Log Kya Kahenge References Category:Matchmaking Category:Traditions de:Heiratsvermittlung#Abgrenzung zur Zwangsheirat "
"The Vera List Center for Art and Politics (the Center) is a nonprofit research organization and public forum for art, culture, and politics. Established at The New School in 1992 during a time of rousing public debates about freedom of speech, the arts, and society's relationship to art, the Center explores the role of the arts in developing a civic culture of tolerance and pluralism in the United States, and curates and supports new roles for the arts and artists in advancing social justice. Through public programs and classes, prizes and fellowships, publications and exhibitions that probe some of the pressing issues of our time, the Center champions the arts as expressions of the political moments from which they emerge, considering the intersection between art and politics the space where new forms of civic engagement must be developed. They are the only university-based institution committed exclusively to leading public research on this intersection. The first program series launched at the Vera List Center for Art and Politics was the Sustaining Democracy Series, a lecture program that examined the role of art in pushing forward controversial political issues and opening public debate, including government sponsorship of art, censorship and the roles of artists and citizens. The Vera List Center for Art and Politics was founded with an endowment from university life trustee Vera G. List out of her deep interest in the intersection of education, art, and politics. Carin Kuoni is the Director / Chief Curator. Mission A leader in the field of art and politics, the Vera List Center for Art and Politics serves a critical mission: to foster a vibrant and diverse community of artists, scholars, and policy makers who take creative, intellectual, and political risks to bring about positive change. Centered around the notion that art is politically valiant, the Center aims to make the case that art must play a significant, unusual, and different role in political environments than it does in other forms of expression - a role that is poignant, groundbreaking, and inspiring. The Vera List Center for Art and Politics is a W.A.G.E. Certified organization. W.A.G.E. Certification is a national program initiated and operated by the nonprofit Working Artists and the Greater Economy that publicly recognizes nonprofit arts organizations demonstrating a history of, and commitment to, voluntarily paying artist fees that meet the minimum payment standards. Focus theme The Vera List Center for Art and Politics develops their programs in cycles, habitually identifying a topic of particular urgency and broad resonance that brings together artists, scholars, activists, public intellectuals, and political and cultural leaders to discuss and explore thematic issues and questions, through a variety of programs, over the course of four semesters. The first annual theme for 2004–05 was Homeland, followed by Considering Forgiveness in 2005–06, The Public Domain in 2006–07, Agency in 2007–08, Branding Democracy in 2008–09, Speculating on Change in 2009–10, Thingness in 2011–13, Alignment in 2013-2015, and Post Democracy in 2015–17. The current theme for 2018-2020 is If Art is Politics. Public events The Vera List Center organizes panel discussions, lectures, conferences, workshops, and online programs that are created in consultation with the center's advisory committee and with current and former fellows. Occasionally, the VLC produces exhibitions. All VLC initiatives are driven by the live encounter of artists, scholars, historians and other thinkers and makers who together consider topics of broad popular relevance. From these live events spring additional programs such as those featured on the Vera List Center website, including Art & Research Projects, Publications, and others. Vera List Center Prize Launched to recognize the center's 20th anniversary, the Vera List Center Prize for Art and Politics honors an artist or group of artists who has taken great risks to advance social justice in profound and visionary ways. International in scope, the biennial prize is awarded for a particular project's long-term impact, boldness, and artistic excellence. The prize initiative unfolds across various platforms and over an extended period of time. It serves as a catalyst for activities that illuminate the important role of the arts in society, and strengthen teaching and learning at The New School in art and design, social science, philosophy, and civic engagement. More than a single moment of recognition, it represents a long-term commitment to the question of how the arts advance social justice, how we speak of, evaluate and teach such work. An exhibition of the winning project, a conference, integration into classes, and a publication featuring select nominated projects complement a cash award and short-term New York City residency for the honoree. In the spirit of the center's twenty-year history, the prize provides the opportunity for an ongoing public conversation on art and social justice as a global issue that engages audiences in New York City, nationally and around the world. The Vera List Center Prize has been renamed The Jane Lombard Prize for Art and Social Justice, starting with the 2018-2020 biennial prize cycle. Prize winners 2018-2020 Prize Winner: Chimurenga The jury was delighted to bestow the 2018-2020 Jane Lombard Prize for Art and Social Justice on Chimurenga, the Pan African collective who have boldly and unapologetically reclaimed the African imaginary. Chimurenga invests in deep research on history, representation and culture through a methodology of collective remobilization of knowledge. The artistic process is a forward reimagining of the global polity, through a multiplicity of forms, eschewing the separation of various art forms from one another and from wider social and political practices. This includes the Pan African Space Station, the roaming Chimurenga library and the periodical Chronic, which incorporate the sonic, performative and written experiences in digital and physical spaces through which the project decenters and recreates new centers of knowledge. It reflects on the collective political histories and memories in the pan African community that is world-making. Founded by Ntone Edjabe in 2002, Chimurenga performs as a pan-African platform that promotes voices of culture, arts and politics from Africa. As one of Chimurenga's outputs, Pan African Space Station (PASS) is an online radio station and pop-up studio, simultaneously, "a performance and exhibition space; a research platform and living archive." Developed by Chimurenga in collaboration with musician and composer Neo Muyanga in 2008, PASS is a virtual and material space that reflects on the collective political histories and memories in the Pan-African community. With its slogan "There are other worlds out there they never told you about," the interdisciplinary station intersects sound, music and words, further engages in conversations including art and technology, community and borders, utopia and oppression. As an internet based radio station, PASS explores the possibilities of creating new knowledge across distributed networks of time and space. Through live performance, stories about music in Africa and archival exhibitions, PASS plays a significant role in challenging existing ideas about Africa and bringing unique aspects of the interconnection between music and history. At the same time, PASS also expands its projects to physical spaces such as cities of Johannesburg, Amsterdam, Helsinki and Cairo. Chimurenga uses a metaphorical term "landing" to emphasize the ways in which the virtual "space station" enters into physical spaces. Upon landing each city, Chimurenga collaborates with local cultural producers to organize conferences, festivals and exhibitions. As such PASS is a catalyst for idea- sharing and innovation of African art and culture. As noted on its website, PASS investigates "how we locate ourselves and how we mediate our human and historic commonality." Press: Art Forum Dallas Art Dealers Association Art&Education; Brittle Paper ART COLLECTION ArtNews Contemporary And Art News Philanthropy New York HRMS.NEWS Emily Carr News APOLLO Roberto Bunini 2016-2018 Prize Winner: Maria Thereza Alves Brazilian artist Maria Thereza Alves' research-based practice, literally and metaphorically holds open a space at the intersection of art and science to challenge and think expansively about the social history and possible futures that germinating seeds hold within themselves. Though her project Seeds of Change Alvs explores the social, political and cultural history of ballast flora in port cities and, in so doing, reveals patterns, temporalities and instruments of colonialism, commerce and migration going back many centuries. Seeds of Change is a long-term project that so far has been presented in several European port cities – Marseille, Liverpool, and Bristol among them. It examines the legacies of colonialism and the global commerce of goods and people through the displacement of plants, focusing on the scientific, social and political history of ballast, the waste material used to stabilize ships in maritime trade and dumped in ports at the end of the ships' passages. Ballast contains "dormant" seeds that can remain viable in the soil for hundreds of years before germinating and growing. As Alves grows young plants from these dormant seeds – often in floating barges or gardens, developed in collaboration with local communities and scientists – she examines how we understand the identity of a place and its sociopolitical histories. As such the project questions the official accounts of culture as well as the lands it is built on and through. Press: NY Times ARTNEWS NY Times OBSERVER ArtForum INFERNO MAGAZINE Art&Education; Pioneer Works DAI 2014-2016 Prize Winner: Abounaddara Abounaddara, the anonymous film collective based in Syria, was the recipient of The New School's 2014 Vera List Center Prize for Art and Politics. Throughout the course of the 18-month collaboration, the Vera List Center and Abounaddara worked together to bring the collective's work to the United Nations where there was a panel discussion on civilian representation and freedom of speech in Syria. The final culmination of the prize initiative, titled, “Abounaddara. The Right To The Image” was a series of events consisting of a gallery exhibition, conference and various film screenings, that explored the ways in which civilians are represented in times of conflict. Emerging from the civil uprising in 2011, Abounaddara is known for its “emergency cinema” which seeks to transcend mainstream war reporting. The collective's work highlights individuals, coming from all sides of the conflict to remind viewers both of the daily life and complexity of the civil war unfolding in Syria. Their weekly video vignettes published on their Vimeo account are intimate, jarring, and poignant. Abounaddara's driving force within their work is the belief in the “right to the image” which they define as upholding the dignity of civilians who otherwise might not have a say in how they are represented. Press: NY Times ArtForum BOMB Magazine El Tiempo (Spanish) JutarnjiList (Croatian) NPR Radio Havana Cuba (Spanish) W Radio (Spanish) artblog slought Souria Houria 2012-2014 Prize Winner: Theaster Gates Theaster Gates was the 2012-2014 prize recipient for, Dorchester Projects. Theaster Gates: A Way of Working was an 18-month collaboration between the artist and The New School that culminated into a two-day forum and gallery presentation. This exhibition examined the ways in which the artist develops synergies with his work and the complexities of working in an expanded studio practice within the institutional framework. The exhibition featured several works of the artist including drawing, sculpture, installation and video. Theaster Gates, an American artist, activist and Artistic Director for the Rebuild Foundation, focuses his work on political enfranchisement, historical reclamation, and social inclusion. His Dorchester Projects started in 2006 with the transformation of two buildings into community gathering spaces on Chicago's South Side. Gates uses art, spirituality, and community engagement as a way to analyze urban renewal and social justice. Press: ArtForum NY Times Culturebot Art&Education; Observer ArtNews Media, LLC Words in Space National Urban Media Harvard University Graduate School of Design Colby News Fellowships The Vera List Center Fellowships support artists, curators, writers, and scholars whose exemplary work advances the discourse on art and politics. Drawing from the academic resources of The New School, the appointments provide the opportunity to develop a fellowship project in exchange with New School faculty and students and with the support of a graduate student assistant. In addition, the fellowship offers a financial stipend and a production budget to bring the project to the public through the Vera List Center's interdisciplinary program initiatives, ranging from events to installations and publications. 2018-2020 Fellows *Dean Erdmann *Helene Kazan 2018-2020 Fellowship Announcement 2015-2017 Fellows *Lawrence Abu Hamdan *Victoria Sobel and Casey Gollan of Free Cooper Union 2015-2017 Fellowship Announcement 2013-15 Fellows *Jill Magid *Alexander Provan 2013-2015 Fellowship Announcement Past Fellows Other past fellows include Bouchra Khalili, Joshua Simon, Robert Sember, Lin + Lam, Marjetica Potrc, Andrea Geyer, Margarita Gutman, Susan Hapgood, Sharon Hayes, Danny Hoch, Walid Raad, Wendy T. Ewald, Ashley Hunt, Kobena Mercer, Lorraine O’Grady, Olu Oguibe, Silvana Paternostro, Wendy Perron, Leslie Prosterman, Walid Raad, Edward Rothstein, Katya Sander, Elisabeth Sussman, David Thorne, and Jonathan Weinberg, Sarah Rothenberg, and Maurice Berger. Publications As an extension of its public programming, the Vera List Center produces publications ranging from occasional papers, exhibition guides and books to interactive online artist projects. Following the center's interdisciplinary model, these publications respond to themes explored in the context of lectures, panel discussions, workshops, and other programs, and frequently incorporate new texts commissioned from event collaborators and others. Assuming Boycott: Resistance, Agency, and Cultural Production Assuming Boycott: Resistance, Agency, and Cultural Productionis the essential reader for today's creative leaders and cultural practitioners, and includes original contributions by artists, scholars, activists, critics, curators and writers examine four key areas: the historical precedent of South Africa; the current cultural boycott of Israel; freedom of speech and self-censorship; and long- distance activism. Far from representing withdrawal or cynicism, boycott emerges as a special condition for discourse, artmaking and political engagement. It features twelve newly commissioned essays and six contributions by Nasser Abourahme, Ariella Azoulay, Tania Bruguera, Noura Erakat, Kareem Estefan, Mariam Ghani with Haig Aivazian, Nathan Gray and Ahmet Öğüt, Chelsea Haines, Sean Jacobs, Yazan Khalili, Carin Kuoni and Laura Raicovich, Svetlana Mintcheva, Naeem Mohaiemen, Hlonipha Mokoena, John Peffer, Joshua Simon, Ann Laura Stoler, Radhika Subramaniam, Eyal Weizman and Kareem Estefan, and Frank B. Wilderson III. Praise: Art&Education; Entry Points: The Vera List Center Field Guide on Art and Social Justice, No. 1 Entry Points: The Vera List Center Field Guide on Art and Social Justice, No. 1 is a collaboration of artists, writers, policy makers, and scholars coming together to analyze the integral role of the arts in advocating for social justice. The book reflects on key moments in history at the global level where justice has been advanced by art. The first half of the work consists of three essays by Thomas Keenan, João Ribas, and Sharon Sliwinski, in addition to featuring twenty other artist projects that speak to the role of arts in social justice. The second half of the book features Theaster Gates's The Dorchester Projects, which was the recipient for the inaugural Vera List Prize for Art and Politics in 2013. Essayists include Horace D. Ballard Jr., Romi N. Crawford, Shannon Jackson, and Mabel O. Wilson. This section also features an interview between Gates and Vera List Center director, Carin Kuoni. Editors include Chelsea Haines and Carin Kuoni. Speculation, Now Speculation, Now is a collection of essays and artwork that offers radical, interdisciplinary concepts challenging our understanding of reality and how these new integrative perspectives can potentially alter reality.The book is a collaboration of images, concepts and language edited by Vyjayanthi Venuturupalli Rao, Prem Krishnamurthy and Carin Kuoni and includes an afterword by Arjun Appadurai. Artists and essayists include Arjun Appadurai, William Darity Jr., Filip De Boeck, Boris Groys,Hans Haacke, Darrick Hamilton, Laura Kurgan, Lin + Lam, Gary Lincoff, Lize Mogel, Christina Moon, Stefania Pandolfo, Satya Pemmaraju, Mary Poovey, Walid Raad, Sherene Schostak, Robert Sember, and Srdjan Jovanović Weiss. Considering Forgiveness Considering Forgiveness (published in 2009) examines issues of social, cultural and political relevance from a multitude of perspectives and is edited by Aleksandra Wagner with Carin Kuoni, with curatorial advice by Matthew Buckingham. It features textual and visual contributions commissioned for this publication from scholars, activists and artists, including Anne Aghion, Ayreen Anastas, Gregg Bordowitz, Omer Fast, Rene Gabri, Andrea Geyer, Mark Godfrey, Sharon Hayes, Sandi Hillal, Alessandro Petti and Eyal Weizman, Susan Hiller, Julia Kristeva, Lin + Lam, Jeffrey Olick, Brian Price, Jane Taylor, Mierle Laderman Ukeles, and Elisabeth Young-Bruehl. OURS: Democracy in the Age of Branding Exhibition Guide OURS: Democracy in the Age of Branding Exhibition Guide was on view at the Sheila C. Johnson Design Center at Parsons The New School for Design from October 15, 2008, to February 1, 2009. It was an interdisciplinary investigation of democracy positioned as a consumer brand that included original commissions by Alexis Baghat, Erick Beltran, Kota Ezawa, Liam Gillick, Emma Kay, Runo Lagomarsino, Aleksandra Mir, Nadine Robinson, and The Yes Men, and works by Sam Durant, Miguel Luciano, Carlos Motta, Trevor Paglen, Judi Werthein and many others. Advisory board membersPress "The Vera List Center for Art and Politics has become a pillar of a new type of artistic practice that is coming to define the 21st century…[it] is undeniably a leader in the field of art and politics, particularly at a time when the two are increasingly inseparable and the relationship between them is rapidly changing. Like the understated but essential philanthropy of its founder, the Vera List Center for Art and Politics is asking difficult questions about the place of culture in times of crisis.” \- Hrag Vartanian, editor-in-chief and co-founder of Hyperallergic, in The Growing Necessity for the Vera List Center for Art and Politics, November 21, 2017 Website The Vera List Center's website, is an online extension of live programs with links to debates, issues, projects, and people within and outside The New School. It includes video and audio of public programs, which can also be viewed on their Vimeo page, creative material generated in advance of and in response to events, special projects by artists, video interviews with event participants, and, more recently, downloadable Resource Guides to public programs. Also accessible are more information on specific exhibitions, publications, the Biennial Prize, Fellowships, student Writing Award, and the full archive of events since 1992. ReferencesExternal links * Vera List Center for Art and Politics website * The New School website * "How Artists Participate in World-Making" by Contemporary And (C&) * Artnet's Editors’ Picks * Democracy, Barack Obama, and the American Void * Twitter * Instagram * Facebook * Vimeo Category:The New School Category:1992 establishments in New York (state) Category:Arts organizations established in 1992 "
"Tama-te-kapua, ancestor of Te Arawa, depicted in a carving at Tamatekapua meeting house in Ohinemutu, Rotorua, circa 1880. Tama-te-kapua is holding the stilts he used when he stole breadfruit from a tree belonging to Uenuku in the mythical homeland, Hawaiki.In Māori tradition Tama-te-kapua was the captain of the Te Arawa canoe which came to New Zealand from Polynesia in about 1350. The reason for his leaving his homeland was the theft by his brother Whakaturia and himself of breadfruit (kuru or poroporo) from a tree belonging to a chief named Uenuku.Takitimu by Tiaki Hikawera Mitira full text at New Zealand Electronic Text Centre The Te Arawa canoe landed at Maketu, New Zealand, where Tama-te-kapua settled. His descendants peopled this part and the Rotorua region. Today their descendants say of Te Arawa canoe that the bow piece is Maketu and the stern-piece is Mount Tongariro. The meeting house at Te Papaiouru Marae is named after Tamatekapua. References Category:Māori mythology "